George Webb adds more to Candace’s investigation

CANDACE OWENS IS EVIL pic.twitter.com/FHAljnN3NX

— Tim Pool (@Timcast) December 10, 2025

George’ Webb Task Force Orange Journal

Is Candace A F@cking C@nt?

PART I – Beanies, Bullets, and the New Chill on Speech

I wake up before dawn, same as always, coffee in hand, boards quiet, and I find out that somewhere in a studio lit like a gaming rig, a grown man in a beanie has just called Candace Owens an unspeakable slur—twice—and then walked his audience step-by-step through the security layout of her Tennessee home.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XzgYGr80Qv4

In my head, that’s not “debate.” That’s a soft-launch threat. We used to think censorship looked like men in suits with gavels; now it looks like a guy in a hat telling a million unhappy young men that one woman is fair game. Big Tech has already turned outrage into a business model—YouTube, X, and Facebook all reward incendiary content with reach and ad dollars. Reddit+1

Tim Pool isn’t a nobody. Mainstream outlets describe him as a “right-wing political commentator” and influential YouTube host with millions of followers; the Wall Street Journal has covered him as one of the most prominent figures in the online culture-war talk ecosystem. Nieman Lab+1 

When that kind of platform points in your direction—especially with contempt—it’s not just words, it’s targeting. You see it in study after study: women who speak up in politics and media get massively disproportionate abuse, from threats to doxxing to explicit calls for violence. jfk.org+1

So when Tim frames Candace as the problem and then narrates how lightly guarded her home is, I don’t hear commentary; I hear a mass “dog whistle” to the most unstable people in his audience.

Now, let’s be clear about the line between facts and claims. Mainstream reporting confirms that Candace Owens is a high-profile conservative commentator, formerly with The Daily Wire and Turning Point USA, now running her own show with millions of followers. The Washington Post+1

Mainstream outlets do not confirm her more explosive assertions—about foreign spy planes trailing Charlie Kirk, about assassination teams, about specific named individuals. Those remain her claims and the claims of independent researchers. What I’m doing here is not certifying them as proven; I’m showing how they fit into a pattern of pressure, intimidation, and narrative control that we can see across history.

And that’s where my mind jumps to JFK. Oliver Stone’s JFK didn’t “solve” the Kennedy assassination, but it did something more dangerous to the permanent class: it taught regular people how to interrogate a story. Polling after the film showed that belief in the lone-gunman theory plummeted, with large majorities telling Gallup and others that they thought there had been a conspiracy.historians.org A movie rewired how the public looked at a crime scene—and at its own government. That’s the shadow hanging behind everything I’m about to tell you: what if a modern “CJK” explainer did for the information-age assassination debate what JFK did for Dealey Plaza?

PART II – From Dealey Plaza to the Digital Dogpile

When we talk about the Zapruder film now, we forget how long they kept it from you. The footage of Kennedy’s head snapping back didn’t debut on national television until 1975, when Geraldo Rivera showed it on ABC, and the country collectively felt its stomach drop. jfk.org

Americans realized in one evening that the official storyline didn’t match what their own eyes were seeing. That’s the moment the spell cracked: the gap between the Warren Commission and the 8-millimeter truth.

Fast-forward to today: nobody hides the video anymore. They drown you in it. Instead of one withheld film, you get a hundred hot-takes, forty reaction videos, and three “debunks” before lunch. Mainstream reporting has documented again and again how algorithmic feeds prioritize engagement—anger, fear, and tribal loyalty—over accuracy. Reddit+1

In that world, the new Warren Commission isn’t a blue-ribbon panel; it’s a swarm of influencers all trying to shout their version loudest.

Tim’s show lives perfectly inside that machine. Big papers and cable outlets note that his Timcast platform became a hub for disaffected young men who feel locked out of traditional institutions—college, careers, home ownership—and are looking for someone to blame. Nieman Lab+1

In a healthier culture, that anger might get aimed at the banks, the permanent war lobby, or the regulatory capture that makes starter homes unaffordable. In our culture, it gets aimed at a woman who refuses to swallow an obviously flimsy ballistics story.

And that’s where the “dogpile effect” becomes a form of censorship. Studies from groups like Pew and the Committee to Protect Journalists have shown that waves of online harassment don’t just cause emotional distress; they change behavior. Reporters, especially women, start avoiding certain topics, muting themselves, declining assignments. The Times of Israel+1

You don’t have to jail a dissident if you can convince a million guys in hoodies that she’s the enemy and then let them do the silencing for you.

PART III – Candace, the Hot Dogs, and the Heresy

Let’s walk through what actually triggered this unhinged beanie broadside. Candace Owens took one look at the official story—about a high-powered rifle round, a pack of hot dogs, and a “just-so” wound profile—and said, in essence: That doesn’t match the ballistic gel tests. Law enforcement agencies and gun-safety scientists have used ballistic gel for decades because it mimics human tissue; rounds that shred a gel dummy’s head don’t magically turn polite when they meet neck meat. jfk.org+1

She wasn’t making a mystical claim; she was reading the model.

Mainstream outlets have covered other high-profile shootings where official explanations were later questioned as new video, audio, or forensic evidence surfaced—Las Vegas, Uvalde, Parkland, take your pick. jfk.org

In each case, enduring suspicion didn’t appear out of thin air; it appeared because timelines moved, statements changed, and basic physics kept knocking on the door. Candace simply did the same thing here: put the “Fed script” on the table next to the physics and refused to clap.

For that, she’s already under legal and cultural siege. The Washington Post reports that French President Emmanuel Macron and his wife are suing her in U.S. court for defamation over a separate set of claims, framing her as a reckless purveyor of conspiracy. The Washington Post+1

Whether you agree with her or not on that case, the signal from the establishment is clear: this woman is trouble. When you add in the pressure campaigns that led to her exit from The Daily Wire—public spats with Ben Shapiro and others over Israel and foreign policy—the pattern looks even clearer. New York Post+1

So by the time she says, “I don’t buy this hot-dog story, and I have receipts on strange flights,” she’s already marked. And here comes Tim, not as a critic who disagrees on the evidence, but as the enforcer who calls her an obscene slur and tells the mob she’s alone in that Tennessee house, guarded by “one fat guy.” That’s not debate; that’s helping draw a target. Mainstream pieces on doxxing and “swatting” have documented exactly how public discussion of someone’s address and security posture precedes real-world attacks. jfk.org+1

PART IV – Planes, Metadata, and the Vacuum Where News Should Be

Now we come to the part no mainstream reporter wants to touch: the planes. Candace has described a pattern of two Egyptian military jets—a Dassault-style VIP/ISR pair—shadowing Charlie Kirk’s event schedule across dozens of U.S. cities, allegedly tied into a broader missile-defense and targeting architecture. I’m not telling you it happened the way she says; I’m telling you that, so far, no big outlet has bothered to seriously check. Instead, they roll their eyes and move on.

What is in the record is that Egypt operates French-made aircraft and has long-standing military-to-military ties with Washington, receiving billions in U.S. security assistance over the decades. Reddit

We also know that modern ISR and VIP platforms can quietly piggyback signals-intelligence collection on ordinary-looking flights—a fact covered matter-of-factly in defense trades like Defense News and mainstream write-ups on surveillance aircraft. Wikipedia+1

So the capability is not exotic at all.

The allegation—that a specific pair of jets dog-tailed a conservative influencer’s events 70-plus times, hoovering up phone IDs, Bluetooth beacons, and faces—is unproven in the mainstream record. But the pattern—tagging political crowds for future use—is something we’ve seen before. The Snowden documents showed how NSA and allied programs vacuumed up metadata around protests, foreign and domestic, to map networks of dissent. Pew Research Center+1

Local reporting in multiple U.S. cities has revealed how so-called “fusion centers” and ALPR networks get quietly pointed at political meetings. jfk.org

That’s what I mean by the CJK Effect. Even if mainstream news pretends the flight paths don’t exist, millions of people have now heard a detailed allegations-package that fits too neatly into what we already know about modern surveillance to simply laugh it off. And when a woman becomes the face of that forensic doubt, the system reaches—not for an argument—but for a man in a beanie who can turn her into an object of rage.

PART V – How a Beanie Becomes a Baton

Let’s talk about recruitment. Not the kind that involves basic training and a uniform—the kind that involves loneliness, YouTube, and the slow conversion of disappointment into spite. Pew and others have documented rising rates of depression, economic insecurity, and social isolation among young men. jfk.org+1

Wages are stagnant, housing is impossible, student debt feels endless, and AI is already nibbling at the job ladder they were supposed to climb.

Enter a certain style of streamer: permanently indoors, permanently aggrieved, building an identity around being “real” in a fake world. Tim Pool is far from the only one; mainstream profiles have tied this ecosystem to a broader “manosphere” of grievance channels that blend politics, culture war, and self-pity. Nieman Lab+1

The key move is always the same: tell the audience they are victims of a rigged system, then give them a rotating cast of villains to blame—immigrants, feminists, “globalists,” now Candace Owens.

When Tim goes nuclear and calls a fellow right-wing commentator an obscenity on air, he’s doing more than venting. He’s issuing an emotional warrant. Research on radicalization shows that dehumanizing language—especially gendered slurs—correlates strongly with higher tolerance for harassment and violence against the target. The Times of Israel+1

You don’t have to say “go to her house” if you’ve already convinced a half-million angry young men that she’s a traitor, an enemy, a subhuman vulgarity.

Then layer on the operational details: here’s where she lives, here’s how light the security is, here’s the one guard you’ll see. Mainstream reporting on “stochastic terrorism” and influencer-driven mobs—from Gamergate to Pizzagate to January 6—shows the same pattern: a steady drumbeat of delegitimization plus just enough location-specific detail to let the most unstable follower connect the last dot. jfk.org+1

Whether Tim intends that last step or not is between him and his conscience. The effect on speech is what matters: Candace now has to think not just about lawsuits and smears, but about some beanie-programmed kid testing the perimeter of her fence.

PART VI – Shoe Leather vs. House Slippers

I’m old-fashioned. I believe in what we used to call “shoe-leather journalism”—the kind that wears holes in actual soles. Mainstream legends like Seymour Hersh and I.F. Stone got their scoops by filing FOIAs, calling sources, and physically showing up where something didn’t add up. jfk.org+1

You don’t have to agree with every one of their conclusions to respect the method: go there, see it, document it.

That’s what we’ve tried to do with these modern operations. We went to Butler. We went to the amphitheater. We went to the Dairy Queen with the missing ladder and the one that wasn’t missing. We checked airport car-rental records, FBO logs, FAA tail numbers—yes, even when the transponders went dark. Local papers and TV stations often confirm pieces of this work without realizing they’re holding a puzzle piece—an odd flight, an unexplained lockdown, a small town suddenly full of federal SUVs. jfk.org+1

Meanwhile, you’ve got a parallel class of “hosts” who never leave the studio. They react to reaction videos, react to tweets, react to headlines, and call it a show. Mainstream coverage of the creator economy has noted how incredibly lucrative this can be: a handful of people pull in six or seven figures a year sitting in front of LED walls recycling other people’s work. jfk.org+1

When those people decide they’re tired of a woman not toeing the line, they don’t go investigate; they go insult.

And here’s the real tell: when you propose a constructive project—a serious CJK-style explainer film that would do what Stone’s JFK did, laying out the timelines and metadata so that a newcomer could get up to speed in three hours—the house-slipper crowd panics.

Mainstream history of JFK shows that it helped trigger declassification, congressional review, and long-term pressure for more transparency about the assassination. historians.org

A similar film about our era would have the same effect: millions of people suddenly realizing that the “crazy” questions aren’t crazy at all once you see the full board.

PART VII – The Fear Program

Power almost never starts with open force. It starts with fear. After 9/11, Congress passed the USA PATRIOT Act in a matter of weeks, massively expanding surveillance powers in the name of preventing another attack; mainstream reporting only caught up years later, as the scope of what had been authorized became public through whistleblowers and court cases. Pew Research Center+1

The same pattern repeats: terror, then tools, then normalization.

What I call the “Fear Program” around Candace and CJK works the same way. First, you stage or exploit a shocking event—a shooting, a sudden death, a dramatic collapse. Then you flood the zone with a single “safe” narrative and denounce anyone who questions it as dangerous. Mainstream observers saw this in the way early debates about COVID’s origins or lab safety were policed as conspiracy talk, only to be later reopened as legitimate lines of inquiry. jfk.org+1

Next comes the personalization of the risk. You don’t just say, “Candace is wrong.” You say, “Candace is insane, Candace is evil, Candace is (insert slur here).” You teach a generation of young men that if a woman disrupts their mental comfort, the correct response is to reduce her to a curse word. Sociologists and gender-violence researchers have documented how this kind of rhetoric erodes basic norms of respect and emboldens harassment. The Times of Israel+1

The goal is not persuasion; it’s isolation.

And isolation is the precondition for herding. Once people are afraid to stand next to the “crazy” woman, once they worry about being smeared or swarmed or sued, they drift back into the approved corrals: the polls, the party lines, the scripted talking points. Mainstream coverage of whistleblowers—from Snowden to Assange to Reality Winner—shows the same tactic: make the cost of standing with the dissenter so high that even their friends quietly slip away. Pew Research Center+1

PART VIII – Culture War as Crowd Control

If you step back from the slur, the beanie, and the hot-dog memes, what you see is old-fashioned crowd control with new-fashioned branding. NATO’s Gladio networks used covert “stay-behind” assets to shape European politics during the Cold War, as mainstream retrospectives in outlets like The Atlantic and The Guardian have documented. Wikipedia

The point wasn’t open dictatorship; it was nudging, infiltrating, steering.

Today, the assets don’t all wear uniforms or carry bags of cash. Some of them carry microphones. Some of them get $400,000-a-month contracts from media ventures tied into defense-industry ad spending, data-brokerage pipelines, or platform deals—arrangements you can see hints of in business press reporting on influencer networks and political media startups. jfk.org+1

I’m not telling you which exact check went to which exact host; I am telling you that if you follow the money long enough, it almost always runs past a weapons contractor, an intelligence-adjacent fund, or a platform that lives on defense and security ad buys.

While the big outlets obsess about “left vs. right,” the real game is top vs. bottom. The same systems that profit from endless wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and now Ukraine—wars that mainstream outlets like Defense News and The New York Times have shown to be bonanzas for missile and aerospace firms—also profit from a domestic population too divided and demoralized to organize. Wikipedia

What better way to keep the bottom fighting among itself than to turn a woman questioning ballistics into the hate-object of the week?

That’s why the CJK Effect scares them. A broad public that understands how flight logs, missile-contracts, and metadata all intersect is a public that might start asking why so many “coincidences” point uphill—to the same boardrooms, the same think tanks, the same foundations and family offices. Mainstream coverage of corporate lobbying has already shown how a handful of firms dominate defense appropriations and foreign-policy agendas. Reddit

Add a CJK-style explainer movie to that mix, and suddenly millions of people can see the whole chessboard, not just the square where the latest outrage is staged.

PART IX – Why a CJK Film Matters More After the Beanie Meltdown

Here’s the irony: Tim Pool’s meltdown probably did more to justify a CJK film than any argument I could have made on my own. By going nuclear on Candace, he showed exactly how desperate the discourse-managers are to keep the forensic questions ghettoized—confined to fringe channels, never coherently stitched together for a mainstream audience. You can almost hear the panicked conference calls: “Whatever you do, don’t let this become the next JFK.”

When Oliver Stone’s JFK came out, establishment reviewers smeared it as irresponsible, conspiratorial, dangerous. historians.org

Yet over time, historians and journalists alike have conceded that the film pressured Congress to pass the JFK Records Act and forced the release of mountains of documents that never would have seen daylight otherwise. historians.org

You don’t have to buy every frame of Stone’s theory to respect the consequences: the public got more raw material to think with.

A serious CJK movie—grounded in public records, flight data, on-the-ground reporting, and scrupulous distinctions between fact and allegation—would do the same thing. It wouldn’t be about canonizing anyone as a saint or nailing down every last theory. It would be about giving viewers enough context to see that asking questions about ballistics, security lapses, and strange aircraft isn’t “insane”; it’s basic citizenship. And if you watch how ferociously certain influencers and outlets try to shut that door, you learn something important about who benefits from your ignorance. Mainstream history of other whistleblower-driven films—like The Report on CIA torture or Snowden—shows the same pattern: first mockery, then reluctant acknowledgment that the public needed to see it. jfk.org+1

So yes, after the beanie episode, I’m more convinced than ever that a CJK explainer is necessary. Not because it will settle everything, but because it will change the baseline—the level of literacy about metadata, missile contracts, and surveillance architecture that an ordinary viewer brings to the next crisis. That’s what the original JFK film did: it raised the floor of what the average American knew about their own history.

PART X – Knights, Not Mice

At the end of the day, this isn’t just about one beanie, one slur, or one woman under siege. It’s about what kind of men—and women—we’re going to be in an age when speech is both amplified and weaponized. Mainstream commentaries on “toxic masculinity” and online radicalization often miss the simple point: you don’t fix lost young men by giving them more excuses to be cruel. You fix them by giving them something true and hard to do. The Times of Israel+1

For me, that “hard thing” is shoe-leather investigative work: FOIA requests, airport parking lots, county courthouses, farmhouses full of whiteboards and tired people cross-checking PDFs at 3 a.m. For Candace, it’s standing in front of a camera and refusing to repeat a story that doesn’t match the physics, even when it costs her jobs, friends, and safety. Mainstream biographies of her emphasize her trajectory from anonymity to prominence; they don’t have to like her to admit she built something real. AAE Speakers Bureau+1

The alternative is the “mouse path” laid out for us by the platforms and their preferred personalities: stay in your box, scream at the approved villain of the day, and never, ever look up at the rafters of the system itself. That system absolutely includes the military-industrial complex that President Eisenhower warned about in his farewell address—a warning mainstream historians now quote as prophetic, given the size and reach of today’s defense establishment. Reddit

It also includes the cultural managers, the algorithm tuners, and, yes, the influencers who keep the herd running in circles.

So when I say chivalry isn’t dead, I don’t mean knights on horses. I mean men and women willing to take a hit for the truth instead of aiming their frustration downward at the nearest vulnerable target. A beanie can be a costume, or it can be a blindfold. The CJK Effect is what happens when enough people take the blindfold off at once and realize that the real crisis isn’t that one woman refused to mouth a script—it’s that so many men were ready to threaten her for it.

When a family like that moves into the metals used for ramjet vanes and missile nose-cones, you’re not talking about investment — you’re talking about architecture.

Architecture of war. Architecture of control.

And that is why we go back to the DuPonts. Because the pattern never died — it just changed hands.

PART II — Before the Planes, There Was the Powder

Everyone thinks the story begins with the Egyptian planes — SU-BTT and SU-BND — following Erika Kirk across 73 flights. But the real beginning is two centuries earlier, when Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours stepped onto American soil and offered the new republic the gift it would never escape: industrialized explosives.

Smithsonian Magazine recounts how DuPont’s powder mills supplied nearly half the Union Army’s gunpowder during the Civil War (https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/dupont-gunpowder-180967104/). That’s the original metadata — the chemical signature of American empire.

The June 25th meeting of Howmet with the Tennessee Governor with Egyptian planes stands out on the spy plane’s itinerary.

The Rales brothers simply upgraded the powder mill to a metallurgical mill — Howmet, Arconic, the Pittsburgh alloy corridors.

The Wall Street Journal documented how aerospace-grade alloys and rare-earth composites surged in strategic value as missile modernization programs expanded

(https://www.wsj.com/articles/pentagon-weapons-supply-chain).

And wouldn’t you know it — those industrial corridors match perfectly with the flight path metadata from the Dassault 7X aircraft we’ve been tracking since Fort Detrick.

Same pattern. Same pipeline. Same families.

Every time someone gets close to the American war-metals equation — from JFK to Charlie Kirk — the reaction is not random. It is the immune system of a weapons monopoly defending itself. And right now, that immune system is spelled R-A-L-E-S.

PART III — The Rales Pattern

Let me spell this out slowly, beautifully, plainly — the way Gary Webb would have written it if he were talking about alloy sabotage instead of cocaine:

The Rales brothers are cornering the rare-earth metals used in the Sentinel ICBM, the Arrow-3 interceptors, and the next-gen NATO guidance platforms.

You don’t have to take my word for it. Defense News has been sounding the alarm about missile modernization supply bottlenecks — bottlenecks controlled by only a handful of companies, including the Rales-linked Howmet Aerospace (https://www.defensenews.com/air/2023/10/05/sentinel-icbm-program-faces-new-delays/).

And when you connect the filings, the acquisitions, the metallurgical patents, you see exactly what we saw with the DuPonts 150 years ago: monopoly through necessity.

War needs metal. Metal needs monopoly.

Monopoly needs secrecy.

Secrecy needs enforcement.

And that is where the Egyptian planes come in — because they are the global shuttle between rare-earth extraction, governor’s mansions, aerospace retrofitting hubs, and classified trade missions that no one is supposed to correlate.

But we did. Because metadata doesn’t lie. Only people do.

PART IV — The Planes Are the Answer Key

When Candace Owens started edging toward Pierre DuPont and the Rales brothers, the reaction was immediate, furious, and predictable. Because the planes tell the story no press secretary wants to explain. The Washington Post confirmed that foreign dignitary flights often run hybrid trade missions—half diplomatic, half commercial (https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/06/15/diplomatic-flights/).

And these Dassault jets were never diplomatic flights.

They were logistical flights. Extractive flights.

War-metals flights.

Where did they land?

* 

Nebraska — Warren Buffett territory, home of Duncan Aviation, retrofitting center for electronic warfare pods.

* 

Tennessee — Bill Lee’s turf, where Oak Ridge and Clinch River sit like sleeping dragons of nuclear metallurgy.

* 

Utah — Governor Cox, Northrop Grumman territory, Sentinel missile architecture.

* 

Arkansas — Huckabee world, rare-earth corridors near the old bauxite routes.

Every landing mapped perfectly onto the war-metals supply chain. CNBC reported how state-level rare-earth deals are now central to missile development timelines (https://www.cnbc.com/2023/05/14/rare-earth-mining-us-missiles.html).

Now tell me:

Why would media figures making $400,000 a month try to drag Candace away from that?

Because the people paying them know that once you start mapping flight metadata to metallurgical monopolies, the story collapses like a cheap tent.

And the thing about metadata is — it doesn’t care who tries to suppress it.

PART V — Dog Whistles and Diversions

The moment Candace mentioned DuPont, the dog whistles began. And I don’t mean metaphorically. When a media figure with millions of disaffected young male viewers describes a woman’s home security as “a fat cop and a four-foot fence,” that is not commentary — that is targeting. The New York Times reported that online harassment campaigns often escalate into offline mob actions when influencers frame a target as vulnerable (https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/15/technology/online-harassment-women.html).

So who benefits from dragging Candace away from metallurgy and back toward small-ball breadcrumbs?

* 

Not her.

* 

Not the public.

* 

Not the truth.

But the Rales brothers and DuPonts?

They benefit immensely from diversions. They always have. Politico detailed how industrial dynasties deploy media surrogates whenever congressional attention nears their defense holdings (https://www.politico.com/news/2020/07/07/lobbying-defense-contractors-355903). If they did it for hearings, they would certainly do it to save a trillion-dollar missile monopoly.

Because if the public realizes that warmaking in America has never been ideological — only dynastic — the whole machine faces a legitimacy crisis.

And that’s why we go back to the DuPonts.

Because if you don’t understand how the oldest war family operates, you will never understand how the newest one does.

PART VI — THE OLDEST FAMILY IN WARMAKING

When I say “follow the metal,” I’m not being poetic. I’m being literal. War is metallurgy before its ideology. Its refining, alloying, forging, machining — and the family that mastered it long before the Pentagon was even an idea was the DuPont family. Their empire didn’t begin with chemicals; it began with gunpowder, the original rare earth of armies. The Smithsonian has documented how DuPont became America’s dominant explosives supplier from the War of 1812 through World War I, shaping not only battlefields but the balance of industrial power in the young republic.

Source: Smithsonian Magazine — https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/dupont-dynasty-1809616/

And here’s the pattern that keeps repeating across centuries: whenever America steps into a new form of conflict — muskets, artillery, dynamite, smokeless powder, early aviation fuels, polymers, nuclear intermediates, or (now) missile-critical rare earths — DuPont material is already there waiting. CNN once described DuPont as “America’s most powerful dynasty,” not because they held public office, but because they quietly built the industrial substrate of war.

Source: CNN Money — https://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune_archive/2003/10/27/352872/

This continuity matters. You don’t stay atop war metallurgy for 220 years unless you know how to recruit new partners. The DuPonts of the 19th century absorbed gunpowder rivals. The DuPonts of the 20th century absorbed chemical giants. And the DuPont interests of the 21st century, I argue, have found their logical successors in the Rales brothers, whose Howmet portfolio is now positioned exactly where DuPont once stood: at the material bottleneck of missile warfare.

The Financial Times profiled the Rales brothers as “quiet empire builders,” emphasizing their strategy of consolidating niche industrial markets before global competitors even realize the consolidation has begun.

Source: Financial Times — https://www.ft.com/content/da1dcb4e-6b4e-11e7-bfeb-33fe0c5b7eaa

The deeper you go into rare-earth supply chains, turbine metallurgy, disk alloys, missile guidance casings, and thermal shielding, the more the landscape begins to resemble a map from the 1800s: a handful of families providing the skeletal structure of war. Only the names change — the function does not.

PART VII — HOWMET AND THE NEW POWDER KEG

Howmet Aerospace is not a household name, and that’s the point. Real power is usually upstream from brand recognition. Howmet makes the metals that make the machines that make the wars. Turbine blades, missile skins, high-temp alloys, engine cores — all the parts that melt if you get them wrong and win wars if you get them right. Reuters recently reported that Howmet’s earnings are driven overwhelmingly by “defense engine components,” a polite industry term for the hardened, heat-resistant metals that sit inside missiles and fighter jets.

Source: Reuters — https://www.reuters.com/markets/us/howmet-aerospace-beats-profit-estimates-strong-defense-demand-2024-02-13/

The problem — or opportunity, depending on who you are — is that missile modernization is no longer about explosive yield. It’s about metallurgy that can withstand higher thrust and hotter combustion without deforming. That is exactly where Howmet has positioned itself. Defense News covered how the Pentagon’s shift to hypersonic systems requires “novel alloys and thermal protection materials,” which only a few firms can produce at scale.

Source: Defense News — https://www.defensenews.com/pentagon/2023/03/15/hypersonics-materials-gap/

And here’s where the Rales brothers arrive in the story. Their holding company, Danaher → Fortive → Colfax → Enovis → and Howmet-adjacent interests all share a pattern: find a chokepoint material in a chokepoint industry and quietly buy the chokepoint. The Washington Post described the brothers’ strategy as “industrial consolidation through precision acquisitions,” which is exactly the formula you would use if your goal were to corner a future wartime supply chain without ever saying the word war.

Source: The Washington Post — https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2021/03/10/danaher-rales-brothers/

The Egyptians aren’t flying 73 planes into the American interior because they’re looking for sightseeing opportunities. They’re flying where missile materials are refined, tested, and secured. Howmet is the powder keg of the 21st century — the powder just happens to be exotic metals rather than saltpeter.[…]

PART VIII — THE PLANES, THE GOVERNORS, AND THE METADATA

People ask me why I keep repeating the phrase “follow the planes.” Because the planes don’t lie. Politicians lie. Spokesmen lie. Press releases lie. But tail numbers? Tail numbers are timestamps glued to longitude. If you want to know what’s happening in the shadows, look at what moves when nobody is watching. FlightAware reported that foreign-state-owned business jets are increasingly used as “diplomatic workhorses,” enabling unlogged meetings with governors, defense contractors, and industrial suppliers under the guise of private aviation.

Source: FlightAware (via NBC News aviation reporting) — https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/private-jets-diplomatic-tool-rcna9978

Look at where the Egyptian Dassaults go: Tennessee (Oak Ridge corridor), Arkansas (URanium & rare-earth intersection), Utah (missile testing & rare-earth extraction), and Michigan (aerospace machining & AI-defense contracting). Every stop corresponds to a critical metal, a refinery, or a missile-program governor. The Associated Press noted that foreign trade missions increasingly target “advanced materials, aerospace supply chains, and defense-adjacent manufacturing,” especially in states with governors willing to sign accelerated industrial agreements.

Source: Associated Press — https://apnews.com/article/us-states-foreign-governments-lobbying-1c62c1e04c8b46a692bc99be9c7d6f24

And here’s the overlooked part: these flights almost always arrive before the public policy shifts, not after. A governor announces a “new aerospace partnership” on Monday; the plane was there on Thursday. A defense contractor announces a “materials innovation hub” on Friday; the plane was there two weeks earlier. Politico published a major piece on how governors increasingly act as “para-diplomats” in defense-related deals, often without congressional oversight.

Source: Politico — https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/governors-foreign-policy-00108061

The metadata tells the story. The story is not about Egypt. The story is not about the planes. The story is about who the planes visit — and why those visits always intersect with rare-earth bottlenecks and missile metallurgy contracts.

PART IX — THE DOG WHISTLE AND THE DIVERSION

If you want to stop a journalist from following the executive suite, you don’t argue with them. You distract them. You pull them off the scent. You redirect them toward a mid-level source, a fringe narrative, a tempting breadcrumb. The New York Times documented how disinformation campaigns increasingly rely on “decoy narratives” designed to pull investigators away from material supply-chain evidence and toward personality-driven drama.

Source: The New York Times — https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/22/technology/disinformation-decoy-narratives.html

And that’s exactly what we saw when the dog whistle blew. Suddenly everyone was chasing the wrong lead. Suddenly everyone was staring at Fort Huachuca instead of Wilmington. Suddenly people forgot that DuPont and the Rales brothers represent two centuries of continuity in wartime material monopolies. Distraction is not an accident; it’s a tactic.

NBC News published a study showing that coordinated outrage cycles online can divert public attention from regulatory hearings, industrial acquisitions, and defense appropriations — often within hours.

Source: NBC News — https://www.nbcnews.com/tech/social-media/social-media-outrage-distraction-n1288899

Look at the timeline: the moment the investigation got close to DuPont, the dog whistle blew. The moment researchers began looking at Howmet, the outrage machine activated. The closer you get to the old war families, the more noise they generate. That’s the pattern. You could set a watch by it.

PART X — THEORY OF THE CASE: WHY THE DUPONT–RALES AXIS MATTERS

Here’s my theory of the case — the synthesis of everything we’ve gathered from nine years of metadata, metallurgy, aviation logs, trade missions, rare-earth extraction, missile contracts, and pattern recognition.

1. War is no longer about armies — it is about alloys.

Missiles define wars. Alloys define missiles. Only a tiny handful of companies control high-temp nickel, hafnium, rhenium, terbium, dysprosium, and advanced turbine disc metallurgy. Reuters has repeatedly emphasized that the Pentagon’s future systems depend on “materials supply security,” not manpower.

Source: Reuters — https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-military-supply-chain-rare-earths-2023-08-15/

2. The DuPont lineage is the oldest American template for wartime material monopolies.

Gunpowder to chemicals to polymers to nuclear intermediates — the pattern is consistent: control the substrate of war, and you control the war.

3. The Rales brothers are the modern inheritors of this template.

Their Howmet empire is positioned at the chokepoint of missile metallurgy, exactly where DuPont sat 100 years ago. The Wall Street Journal called their industrial strategy “quiet consolidation of upstream defense infrastructure.”

Source: Wall Street Journal — https://www.wsj.com/articles/danaher-rales-industrial-conglomerate-11629909720

4. The Egyptian planes are metadata vectors revealing the true supply chain.

They visit governors and plants before contracts are announced. They orbit rare-earth sites before appropriations move. They shadow political movements before narratives shift.

5. Every major node in this pattern points back to the same axis:

DuPont ⇄ Rales ⇄ Howmet ⇄ Rare Earths ⇄ Missile Modernization.

6. Therefore: the story is not personal. It is structural.

Families rise. Families merge. Families pass the torch of war-making metallurgy from century to century. What we are witnessing now is not a conspiracy — it is succession.

Bloomberg wrote that the modern defense economy is shaped not by public policy but by “private industrial dynasties with multigenerational strategies.”

Source: Bloomberg — https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-01-14/industrial-dynasties-driving-defense-economy

And that, beautiful people, is the heart of it.

The DuPonts were the war family of the 19th century.

The Rales brothers are the war family of the 21st.

And the planes — those quiet, unassuming jets slicing across the American sky — are simply tracing the line of inheritance from one dynasty to the next.

George Webb’s Task Force Orange Journal is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. https://georgewebb.substack.com/p/is-candace-a-fcking-cnt