REPORT: Nikki Haley Tried to Get a Meeting With Trump — But He Shot Her Down
According to a new report, neoconservative anti-Trumper Nikki Haley reached out to former President Trump on Wednesday to request a sit-down at Mar-a-Lago — but he shot her down. The opportunist Haley, who has been described by some as “the right’s Hillary Clinton,” trashed President Trump prior to Joe Biden’s inauguration. According to Politico’s Playbook…
The Coup de Grâce for Nikki Haley’s Presidential Aspirations
“I don’t think he’s going to be in the picture. I don’t think he can. He’s fallen so far.” Thus spoke Nikki Haley — former South Carolina governor, former ambassador to the UN, and no…
The Coup de Grâce for Nikki Haley’s Presidential Aspirations
Republicans, she held Trump responsible for the January 6th Capitol riot, disingenuously telling members of the Republican National Committee that the president “will be harshly judged by history.” Does she believe her own words, or is this political theater? She was surely privy to Trump’s several recordings, importuning followers “to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.” She would also have been aware of other events that exonerated Trump from the false charges of fomenting a so-called “insurrection.” Many publications reported that planning for the Capitol attack occurred openly online for weeks. Known Antifa members disguised in MAGA attire played a part in the riots, as did at least one prominent Black Lives Matter activist. Despite knowing this, she chose to blame the president for political advantage.
As part of her political machinations to craft and refine her neocon image, Haley resigned from a short tenure on the board of directors at Boeing when it was announced that the company was seeking federal support to weather the coronavirus crisis. Although a view that was at direct odds with her actions as South Carolina’s governor, she ascertained that opposition to government bailouts of private business would be a more advantageous position to take with her potential base.
In 2014, during her second term as governor, Haley had approved generous state-backed incentives for several corporations in South Carolina. These, in turn, had contributed to her campaign. Her Democrat opponent, Vincent Sheheen, had charged that “taxpayers are getting ripped off and nobody knows it.” Since her incentives policy gave dismal results in terms of job creation and tax revenue, Sheheen had said, “If private businesses get incentives, we should hold them to a strict standard to deliver on them.”
Haley’s endorsement of Kelly Loeffler, a relative unknown, over GOP Rep. Doug Collins in the 2020 Georgia senate race, too, smacks of opportunistic game playing. Signaling distance from Trump, Haley said of Loeffler, “The President’s style is not Kelly’s style.” Even so, to gain traction from the coattails effect from the president, who supported Loeffler’s candidacy, she emphasized Loeffler’s agreement with Trump’s results for jobs and wages.
It’s speculated that Haley’s endorsement of Loeffler may have been motivated by potential future political benefits. Loeffler’s husband Jeffrey Sprecher is a GOP insider and CEO of a company that owns the New York Stock Exchange. He is a well-connected mega-donor who, along with his wife, gave $1,500,000 to Mitt Romney’s Super PAC in 2012. He could well serve as a useful source of funding for a presidential run.
Early this month, Haley hired Betsy Ankney, an experienced political operative, and launched a Super PAC called ‘Stand for America.’ Super PACs are essentially vehicles meant to accumulate funds before declaration of candidacy. They allow for unlimited donor contributions that don’t have to be reported to the Federal Election Commission until a candidate declares intent to run for office. The stated goal for Stand for America is the winning back of GOP majorities in the House and Senate.
During the lead-up to the 2016 Republican primary, Haley endorsed “amnesty” candidate Marco Rubio, author of the 2013 “Gang of Eight” immigration bill, which expanded refugee resettlement and the issuance of green cards and H1-B guest worker visas. And with a nod to illegal immigration, she had added, “No one who is willing to work hard, abide by our laws, and love our traditions should ever feel unwelcome in this country.” She also took a shot at Donald Trump, saying, “During anxious times, it can be tempting to follow the siren call of the angriest voices. We must resist that temptation.” But two weeks before the 2016 election, perhaps to retain political relevance, she changed tack. Conceding it wasn’t an “easy” decision, she said she’d vote for Trumpeven though she found his campaign “embarrassing” and a “stomach churner.”
As governor – an office the virtual unknown achieved only after a rally endorsement by former Alaska governor Sarah Palin catapulted her from last place to the lead — Haley had supported former President Obama’s plan to bring refugees from Syria, Iraq, and Central America to South Carolina. Much to the surprise of uninformed communities, who were unknowingly footing the bill, an influx of refugees appeared in the state. Residents, understandably concerned about potential extremist activities after a spate of terrorist attacks in Europe, filed a lawsuit to end the governor’s cooperation with the federal resettlement plan. Additionally, the attorney for the lawsuit pointed out an unusual increase in green cards granted to Central American minors without proof that they were under threat in the countries of their origin.
Clearly, Haley shifts her views when expedient. Her calculated post-election remarks about Trump, after years of working for him in the political spotlight and taking part in his election campaign, reveal her as the ultimate opportunist, who will do whatever it takes to gain political advantage and advance her career.
Although circumstances and opportunities do change, especially in Washington, it appears for now that rather than Trump having “no future in the GOP,” as Haley proclaims, it may in fact be Haley who will find herself sidelined.